How socialism was overthrown from within — the lessons of the USSR, China, and the class struggle under socialism
The greatest setback suffered by the international working class in the twentieth century was not a military defeat — it was the restoration of capitalism in countries where socialism had been built. The Soviet Union, which for seven decades demonstrated the superiority of planned economy over capitalist anarchy, was destroyed not by imperialism from without but by revisionism from within.
Understanding how and why capitalism was restored is not an academic exercise. It is the most urgent practical question facing every communist today. If we cannot explain what went wrong, we cannot prevent it from happening again. The restoration of capitalism in the USSR and China proves that the class struggle continues under socialism — and that the working class can lose power if it does not remain vigilant.
“The bourgeoisie, which has been overthrown in one country, remains for a long time, by virtue of many reasons, stronger than the proletariat which has overthrown it.”
— V. I. Lenin, “Left-Wing” Communism: an Infantile Disorder (1920)A common revisionist error is to claim that once the means of production are socialised, the class struggle is over. This is false. Stalin correctly identified that the class struggle intensifies during the period of socialist construction, as the remnants of the old exploiting classes and the forces of international imperialism do not simply accept their defeat.
The sources of capitalist restoration under socialism include:
The dictatorship of the proletariat is not a single act but an entire historical epoch. Throughout this epoch, the working class must maintain its political power and ideological vigilance, or the defeated bourgeoisie will claw its way back to dominance.
The process of capitalist restoration in the USSR did not begin with Gorbachev in 1985 — it began with the revisionist coup at the 20th Congress of the CPSU in 1956, led by Nikita Khrushchev.
Khrushchev’s “Secret Speech” denouncing Stalin was not an honest assessment of errors — it was a political weapon used to dismantle the dictatorship of the proletariat from within. Under the cover of “de-Stalinisation,” Khrushchev:
The Brezhnev period did not reverse the revisionist course — it deepened it. The Kosygin reforms of 1965 further expanded the role of profit in enterprise management, weakening central planning. A new state-bourgeois stratum consolidated itself within the party and state apparatus: factory directors, ministerial officials, and party bureaucrats who used their positions to accumulate privileges and develop material interests distinct from those of the working class.
By the 1970s, the Soviet economy was suffering from the contradictions of this half-way position: neither a genuine planned economy nor a market economy, but a bureaucratic hybrid in which the forms of socialism concealed growing inequality and the erosion of workers’ power.
Gorbachev’s perestroika (restructuring) and glasnost (openness) were the final stage of a process that had been underway for three decades. Under the banner of “reform,” Gorbachev:
The result was catastrophic. The dissolution of the USSR in 1991 led to the greatest peacetime economic collapse in modern history. Life expectancy in Russia fell by five years. Poverty, unemployment, alcoholism, and suicide skyrocketed. Public property worth trillions was stolen by oligarchs in the “shock therapy” privatisation. The working class lost everything it had built over seven decades.
“The abolition of classes requires a long, difficult and stubborn class struggle, which, after the overthrow of the power of capital, after the destruction of the bourgeois state… does not disappear, but merely changes its forms and in many respects becomes fiercer.”
— V. I. Lenin, A Great Beginning (1919)The restoration of capitalism in China followed a different path but the same fundamental logic. After Mao Zedong’s death in 1976, the revisionist faction led by Deng Xiaoping seized power in a political coup, arresting the revolutionary leadership (the so-called “Gang of Four”) and reversing the gains of the Cultural Revolution.
Deng’s “Reform and Opening Up” programme, launched in 1978, systematically dismantled the socialist economy:
Today’s China is a capitalist state with a red flag. The Communist Party of China serves the interests of Chinese capital, not the Chinese working class. China has more billionaires than any country except the United States. Its workers endure some of the longest working hours and lowest wages relative to productivity in the world. This is not socialism — it is state capitalism with Chinese characteristics.
The presence of a “Communist Party” in power does not make a country socialist. What matters is the class content of the state: which class holds power, which class owns the means of production, and in whose interests the economy is run. By this materialist criterion, China ceased to be socialist in the late 1970s.
Capitalist restoration does not happen because individual leaders are “bad” or “treacherous.” It happens because of material conditions that produce a social layer with interests opposed to socialism. The key material factors include:
The restoration of capitalism in the USSR and China is not proof that socialism is impossible — it is proof that the class struggle does not end with the seizure of power. The lessons are clear:
“The class struggle does not cease during the period of the dictatorship of the proletariat: it merely takes on other forms.”
— J. V. Stalin, Concerning Questions of Leninism (1926)Understanding how socialism was defeated from within is essential for preventing it from happening again. Discuss with our AI assistant.